Lesson for AAP and Arvind Kejriwal: A Full-Time Political Party Needs a Full-Time Ideology

For over a decade, critics have argued that AAP’s political model was overestimated, relying heavily on Delhi—Punjab came later. Despite BJP’s dominance nationwide, it struggled in Delhi, where AAP created a new approach to governance. However, in its toughest moment yet, AAP must learn key lessons to survive. The most crucial: A full-time political party cannot operate with a freelance ideology. Politics is Unfair. So What? AAP, like other Opposition parties, can claim an uneven playing field in Delhi. The Lieutenant Governor’s interference, arrests of top leaders, and governance hurdles are real issues. However, for voters dealing with daily struggles—poor infrastructure, water shortages, and garbage mismanagement—AAP’s complaints about unfairness may fall flat. Voter loyalty is not guaranteed, especially when governance issues pile up. Moreover, the BJP’s dominance is a political reality. AAP must frame its strategy with this in mind rather than assuming grievances will automatically turn into votes. Define What You Stand For A fundamental question AAP faces is: What does it truly stand for? Is reduced electricity cost enough of an ideology? Its reluctance to stand up for minority rights and its attempts to imitate BJP’s Hindutva narrative have backfired. From Kejriwal’s silence during the 2020 Delhi riots to the government’s move to identify “Bangladeshi migrants” in schools, AAP has repeatedly tried to outflank BJP on its turf. Sending pilgrims to Ayodhya on Babri Masjid’s demolition anniversary and Atishi playing Bharat to Kejriwal’s “Ram” further illustrate this confused positioning. Such tactics rarely work. Hardcore Hindutva voters will always prefer BJP over a party mimicking it. AAP built its brand on “kaam ki rajneeti” (politics of work), but this ideological inconsistency undermines its claim of being different from traditional parties. Schools and Clinics—A Half-Finished Revolution AAP’s early governance successes, especially in education and healthcare, were widely praised. Reforming Delhi’s schools and introducing mohalla clinics provided dignity and access to the city’s poor. However, after a decade in power, AAP failed to extend its innovation to other sectors. Challenges from the Centre and the L-G’s office may have slowed progress, but AAP still lacked fresh ideas. In higher education, for instance, Ambedkar University’s decline under AAP and proposals like local reservation at Delhi University showed a regressive approach. For BJP, taking charge of education and healthcare in Delhi is a crucial test. Voters in the capital expect strong governance, and neglecting these sectors could cost the party. Make Allies, Don’t Blame Them AAP’s response to its loss included blaming the Congress for splitting votes. While Congress did play “spoiler,” it is not obliged to step aside for AAP’s gain. AAP cannot expect special treatment from allies while simultaneously expanding into their strongholds like Goa and Uttarakhand. If it wants Opposition unity, it must reciprocate. Silver Linings and the Path Forward Despite its defeat, AAP is not politically erased from Delhi. With over 40% of the vote and a substantial presence in the Assembly, it still has a strong base. The last time Delhi had a sizable Opposition was in 2008. Kejriwal’s promise to be a “constructive Opposition” and Atishi’s vow to fight BJP’s “taanashahi” (dictatorship) are not enough. AAP must reclaim its identity as a party for Delhi’s working class—not just through free electricity, but through a broader, clearer vision.